June 13, 2019
Anna Bancroft grew up in Hopedale. Born in 1853, she was college educated and active in town, serving on boards and taking part in local women’s groups. Yet none of her personal letters can be found.
In fact, we’ve only found the group records of women with last names like Draper, Dutcher, Northrop, and Osgood, and we’re starting to wonder why?
The Hopedale Women’s History Project is looking for the personal writings of women from all walks of life who lived or worked in Hopedale. We don’t care if the words are a century old or written a decade ago, all women’s voices are important. Please contact firstname.lastname@example.org or like us on Facebook at Hopedale Women.
Here’s a list of names that repeat in the Sewing Circle records for generations, and these are just a few of the surnames of Hopedale women!
May 15, 2019
With summer heat approaching, the women of Hopedale decided to take matters into their own hands. The town had built a new bath house on the edge of Hopedale Pond in 1904 “for the use of men and boys.” But the ladies of town wanted a cooling dip, too, and needed a safe place to dress. So in 1905, they demanded access.
Bathing – what today would be called swimming – became a hit during the Victorian era. Many early beaches were separated by sex, and few people could actually swim. That’s probably for the best as swimming costumes covered much of the body and were made out of wool. Females in Hopedale wanted a chance to dunk themselves in the cooling waters of the pond, but without a place to change enjoying that summer pastime was impossible.
The bath house was built five years after the formation of the town’s park commission, and had an inauspicious start. According to the blueprints of Boston architectural firm Chapman and Frazer, the plan was to tear down Henry Patrick’s ice house and re-use the wood for the framing and rafters. Unfortunately, the ice house caught fire during demolition, “burning so rapidly as to endanger the men on the roof, and also preventing the removal of tools and implements stored therein.” With no insurance, an extra $300 needed to be spent to cover the losses. But by summer, the men and boys of town had a place to put on their itchy bathing costumes. Almost 2,000 “baths taken and parties having baths” happened that first summer.
Hopedale built the bath house in part to stem the tide of male skinny dipping and spare the sensibilities of local ladies. The town encouraged residents to bathe in front of the bath house in order to keep them in their suits, but it was a losing battle. “No person in a state of nudity shall bathe in any of the waters of the town between the hours of sunrise and sunset in places exposed to public view or in the vicinity of any dwelling-house,” town bylaws read. Each scofflaw could face a $20 fine, over $500 today.
Hopedale’s elite spent their summers at seaside resorts, so this was mostly likely a middle class fight. The women suggested female matrons be on duty to keep the bath house a secure area for changing from corsets to bathing costume. The town relented. “With the cooperation of ladies offering their services as matrons, we arranged for use of the bath house facilities by women and girls two afternoons each week,” park commission records for 1905 noted. Even with the truncated schedule, 222 women participated that summer – and the town didn’t even let them swim until August 3, with the season nearly over.
A decade later, about 1,000 females were using the bath house facilities each summer, compared to about 5,000 males. “There are times when our facilities are overtaxed, but as a rule we can take care of all applicants,” the park commission reported. The number of female attendees rose to over 3,000 by 1920, almost half the number of males.
The records don’t indicate when women were allowed to use the bath house full-time, but female residents began to dominate the numbers. By the summer of 1935, when attendance topped 12,000, girls swimming outnumbered boys by over 1,500.
Swimming at Hopedale Pond peaked in 1968, with over 18,000 townspeople registered – an increase, the commission noted, of 6,000 over the previous five years. But the numbers would slowly drop, until swimming in the pond was restricted in 1997. The town’s selectmen finally closed the town’s beach in 2003 due to funding issues and “lack of interest.” But the bath house still stands as a reminder of a fight for the right to take a dip.
February 8, 2019
Hopedale was heartbroken. The Community’s favorite son, Adin Augustus Ballou, was dead.
In the early 1850s, young Augustus was well on his way to his future. He graduated from the Bridgewater “Normal” School – a training school for teachers of the time – and began working there as an instructor, honing his skills. The hopes of his father, esteemed minister Adin Ballou, hinged on Augustus finishing his training and taking over the Hopedale Home School, a private facility created to help the Community raise much-needed funds.
In January 1852, Augustus was making that dream a reality, but like many young people he took on too much. The hard work taxed the 18-year-old, and he wrote about the joy of a day off. “You say you see me in your dreams, and that I appear to look tired,” Augustus wrote to his mother, Lucy Ballou on January 25. “Sunday is a welcome day – welcome, because on that day books are laid aside, and the tired brain is rested.”
But Augustus didn’t stop to rest. At the end of January, he delivered a much-heralded oratory at the school’s Lyceum on “cooperative Associations” like Hopedale – a more expert voice on the subject could not be found. Augustus lived much of his boyhood in Hopedale hearing the ministrations of his father. He wrote for the local youth group’s handwritten newspaper, The Inductive Harbinger, and his future persona was evident. “Be an independent man, a free thinker, a mighty actor. Be a wise man, a careful discriminator,” Augustus wrote in 1851. “Be a good man, blending humanity, with impetuosity; humility with power. Be independent and bold for the right, and let your whole strength go to improve.”
But within days of his triumphant presentation at the Lyceum, the young man was ill. According to his father, a bout of influenza just after the holidays had “left his physical system an easy prey to the renewed onsets of disease.” Unfortunately, the disease was typhoid fever, and little could be done to save Adin Augustus Ballou. His parents rushed to bedside, spending four days nursing their son, praying in vain for his life to be spared.
Augustus died February 8, 1852. His parents were distraught. This was a family that had suffered loss, and it did not get easier. Adin Ballou lost his first wife, Abigail, in 1829, and his first son, Adin Junior in 1833. Adin and Lucy lost their first son, Pearley, within days of Adin Junior’s death. Adin Augustus was born that same year, and the loss of him left Lucy inconsolable. The couple’s only surviving child was Adin’s grown daughter, Abbie Heywood, and when she heard the news of her brother’s death “the shock nearly crushed her.”
“They are bowed in sorrow as never before,” William Fish wrote of the couple’s pain in the town’s newspaper, The Practical Christian, but everyone was shocked at the young man’s passing. “He had pure and high aspirations within him, and noble objects before him, for the realization of which he had already marked out some of his life-plans.” Even famous abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison was stunned by the news, calling Augustus “a beautiful and most promising youth” in his paper The Liberator.
“And even now, may one not think of Augustus as being dead, for he is not dead,” his friends wrote in the Harbinger. “Perhaps his spirit is here with us to night, seeking to elevate our minds and thoughts, and to raise us from this Low and groveling earth, to more holy thoughts and pure aspirations.”
For Adin Ballou, the spiritualist movement – the idea that the living can communicate with the dead – became a way to deal with his loss. Adin turned to his pen, writing two books, The Memoirs of Adin Augustus Ballou and Spirit Manifestations, in an effort to work through the death of his son. “And in tears there is relief to the overburdened heart,” he wrote. Adin Ballou turned his tears into words.
January 17, 2019
Harriet Newell Greene’s words came to Hopedale before she did.
Born in Rhode Island on January 18, 1819, Harriet came from writing stock. Some of her female forebears had dabbled in the literary arts, and she first came to Hopedale through her pen rather than in person. Harriet’s first poem was published in Adin Ballou’s Practical Christian newspaper in 1848, but she didn’t move to the Community until 1852.
Poetry wasn’t her only passion. Harriet, who married the much younger Brian J. Butts in 1858 as she headed up to her 40th birthday, never had children. But she had the knack of writing for little hands and little minds. About 10 of her children’s books on moral values including racial equality, temperance, and spirituality, survive in collections at the Bancroft Memorial Library in Hopedale and the American Antiquarian Society in Worcester. Harriet often wrote under her maiden name – she refused to use Bryan’s last name until later in life, much to the chagrin of many around her – or under the pseudonym Lida. More of her books were printed during her lifetime, but some have been lost to history.
There is a tenderness to Harriet’s writing. Her book, Ralph, or I wish he wasn’t black, is the story of two friends, a young white boy and a young free black boy living in the antebellum north. Tommy’s father has been abducted under the fugitive slave law and forced into bondage to the south, and Tommy wishes he could “rub off” his black skin. In her works, the women of the story – the mothers of Ralph and Tommy – stand up for their abolitionist beliefs in a quiet, Christian way, and forgive the evils of the world and the slaveholders in particular.
I own a copy of this book, but the copy I have was printed by a London publisher rather than Harriet’s husband or her dear friend, Emily Gay. With a new title, a changed ending, and no credit given to Harriet, this tiny plagiarized book is my prized possession, a tribute to a Hopedale woman whose story may have been stolen but should never be forgotten.
Harriet Newell Greene book published in Hopedale by Emily Gay, from the Collection at the American Antiquarian Society.
December 28, 2018
His name was so unusual, I thought he must be yet another of the dozen or so immigrant Draper workers who had succumbed to the influenza pandemic in 1918. But Watrous Garnsey’s American family lineage went back to before the Revolutionary War.
The Garnsey family had deep roots in Richmond, New Hampshire. Dozens of Garnseys are mentioned in books about the town, and Garnsey men served in the Continental Army during the Revolutionary War. Watrous Garnsey, Sr. and his wife, Emily Newhall or Newell were both natives of Richmond, although this branch of the Garnsey family may have originally come from Rehoboth, Massachusetts.
The elder Watrous was born in 1842 and served as a young man in the Civil War. He earned his military pension and became a farmer. He was important in the town, even playing tenor drum in the “Richmond brass-band,” which had been organized in June 1874 using instruments bought by John C. Haynes of Boston. Haynes spent $300 to equip the band, but why he did it is unknown.
Also unknown is the reason Watrous Senior brought his family to Blackstone before 1889. His father, Amos had died in 1886; that death may have precipitated the move. Watrous Garnsey, Jr. would be the first member of the family born in Massachusetts in generations; he was born in East Blackstone on February 2, 1889. But Watrous Junior had a bumpy start in life – just three days after his birth, his mother Emily died, probably of complications from childbirth.
The family stayed in the area, and Watrous Garnsey, Sr. remarried. After the death of Emily, he the sole parent of three daughters and an infant, so he needed help. Watrous married Mary E. Mentzer Sawyer in Northborough about a year after his son was born. It appears it was a second marriage for both of them.
Young Watrous ended up working for the Draper Corporation as an “assembler.” In the 1915 town directory, he is living on “Green” Street near the railroad tracks with his wife, Mildred F. Pratt and their two children – Alice Augusta, who was born in 1910, and Kenneth W., born in 1912. Watrous Junior seems to have decided not to pass on his first name, although “Watrous” could be Kenneth’s middle name. Watrous also did his duty and followed the family tradition of service to his country – or at least he tried to. He registered for the draft during World War I, and was described on his card as being average in height and weight, but having “Dark blue” eyes and black hair.
Watrous Garnsey, Jr. became ill with the flu before Christmas, 1918, dying in Milford Hospital of pneumonia on December 28. He was only 29 years old, and had outlived his father by little more than a decade. Watrous Senior died of nephritis in 1907.
December 14, 2018
The fact that Sewing Circle member Mary Burnham’s son died in World War I was a sad story. But a trip to the Massachusetts National Guard archive turned the story into a tragedy.
On December 14, 1918, Second Lieutenant Edward Clifton “Clif” Burnham, Jr., died during “rifle practice” at Camp Hancock, Georgia. All three of Mary’s sons, Clif, Malcolm, and Kenneth, enlisted to fight in the Great War. Ken was in the thick of it in the trenches of France, but it was younger brother Clif who died.
The worst part of the story, the part that wasn’t shared with the public, is that the military records show there is more to this sad tale. Clif’s record reads “gunshot wound (Suicide).”
The military cards for World War I were created several years after the war, and although these are official records the cards are not infallible. I’ve done two military history projects and have occasionally found cards that are incorrect. One of Clif’s two cards has his address listed as “Northryn St” rather than 1 Northrop Street, where the family lived. And another official document simply notes Clif “died.” But in military parlance, the word “suicide” can also mean something slightly different from today’s connotation. The card of a Worcester soldier who died in that same war reads, “suicide, result of own misconduct.” That, to modern eyes, looks more like an awful, self-inflicted accident.
But the story goes deeper. The archive holds the letters of both Clif and older brother Ken, a gift that the Burnham family has left to historians. Ken served with the in the 103rd Field Artillery as a Private First Class, and he was in the thick of it. In letters to his family, Ken hints at his location because he knows censors will come down hard if he gives specifics. He also shares details his daily hardships. “The things I’ve seen during the past few days! War is a terrible thing, but the fascination of it all!” Ken wrote excitedly in early 1918, but by fall he is seeing the hum-drum of horror. “The only vegetation which struggles up between the many shell-holes consists of a little ragged grass and a few weeds and thistles. The ground has been pitted and raked up by a withering artillery fire,” he wrote to his family in September, 1918. “I am in a little dugout where the rain drips through at all times, and where the rats scurry around during the night. But we are getting accustomed to the raindrops and the rodents.”
At the end of October that year, Ken is in the middle of a bombardment, possible as part of the Meuse-Argonne offensive, the most deadly battle for American soldiers in our history. His letter is a mess, he says, because “the concussion is strong enough to shake the ink out of this pen of mine.”
Clif, on the other hand, is at an officer training camp in Georgia, and now outranks his two older brothers as a Second Lieutenant in the Infantry. His last letter, written 11 days before his death, is hopeful and maudlin in turns, and even seems a bit prophetic. “Seriously there is a great chance of you two fellows never having to salute kid brother,” Clif writes to Ken. The war is over, and Clif is trying to figure out the next stage of his life. Before the war, he was a student at Brown University along with both Ken and Mal, and he would have graduated in the class of 1920. Now he has to decide between staying in the National Guard as a reserve officer or “staying in the service and qualifying for a real commission.”
Clif writes about the training he is receiving with the Browning machine gun, “belching forth 600 per minute,” and how he is at a range at Camp Johnson, about 12 miles outside his home base at Camp Hancock. Even though his letter ends with an invitation to fish with Ken in Minnesota after the war, the letter turns dark. “Where there is no action no ink can run and so until I get out of this stagnation my letters will be insipid as the life I live. Your kid brother Clif.”
Whether or not Clif Burnham caused his own death, either accidentally or on purpose, his family must have been devastated. When he was buried in Hopedale Village Cemetery just before Christmas, he was given a hero’s send-off. “The funeral was one of the largest held in Hopedale,” the Milford Daily News reported. The president of Brown University, where all three of Mary’s sons were students, attended and “delivered a fine eulogy.” The Franklin State Guard fired three volleys “and taps were sounded.” Clif’s casket, the paper noted, “was completely surrounded by floral offerings.”
Edward C. Burnham, Jr., the baby of the family, was only 21 years old.
October 27, 2018
On October 23, 1850, Abby Hills Price came to Brinley Hall in Worcester to give a speech at the first National Woman’s Rights Convention. She stood before the crowd of 1,000 to talk about equality – not for herself, but for her daughters. Abby wanted them to have the same opportunities as her sons, and she was not afraid to use the P-word to make her point – prostitution. Even that made Elizabeth Cady Stanton take notice. “She thought the speediest solution of the vexed problem of prostitution was profitable work for the rising generation of girls,” Elizabeth noted about the speech. For Abby, this wasn’t about shock-value – she simply wanted her daughters to be able to work in the world. “Human beings cannot attain true dignity or happiness except by true usefulness. This is true of women as of men. It is their duty, privilege, honor, and bliss to be useful,” she said.
Abby lived in Hopedale, where she had almost total equality with the male Practical Christian members in town. She and her female neighbors voted on local matters and served in local government. They worked in local businesses and had a voice in the local paper. The women of Hopedale were 70 years ahead of the rest of the country.
Abby Hills Price was used to an audience. She cut her teeth on the abolitionist rally circuit, even reading an “effusion” at an 1844 anti-slavery fair where she asked the country to “free these millions from the chain.” Frederick Douglass heard her speak on that day in Upton, at a time when women were told to stay home and keep quiet. In 1837, the General Association of Congregational Ministers here in Massachusetts warned against letting women address the public, which they said would lead to “degeneracy and ruin.” Abby and the other women of Hopedale were undeterred.
In her Worcester speech, Abby went further and her words still echo today. “Woman, in order to be equally independent with man, must have a fair and equal chance,” she told the crowd, and she bemoaned the fact that her daughters, even if they could find work, would make significantly less than her sons. “When she is engaged in the same occupations with men, her remuneration is greatly below what is awarded to her stronger associates.” Today, at a time of the “Me, Too” movement, “stronger” may be an outdated term.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton knew Abby Hills Price and called her “large hearted, and large brained, gentle and strong,” noting that the speech centered on “the injustice of excluding girls from the colleges, the trades and the professions, and the importance of training them to some profitable labor, and thus to protect their virtue, dignity, and self-respect by securing their pecuniary independence.” Abby was speaking as a woman, yes, but also as a mother. “Women at present are cramped, dwarfed, and cowed down. Mothers, with large families of girls, though they may see in them intellect and genius, which, were they boys, might open to them in the future the pathway to independence and perhaps to fame, find that to girls nearly all avenues are closed.”
But Abby couldn’t resist a parting shot, sharing with the audience that she and the women of Hopedale had equality in their “little Commonwealth.” “Where I live,” she said, “all persons have equal rights, in public deliberations. Men and women are alike recognized as having a common interest in public officers and public measures.” Yet she tried to soften the blow for those who opposed a woman’s right to vote. “I have never, in the small State of Hopedale, heard of one home being neglected, or one duty less thoroughly attended to by allowing women an equal voice.”
October 9, 2018
As the second week of October, 1918, began, the saying “Death is my neighbor now” could not have been more apt.
By this time 100 years ago, Hopedale had seen its fifth confirmed influenza death, plus two more deaths that could be attributed to the flu. Three of the seven deaths were workers from Draper Corporation.
But the adjacent town of Milford was reeling from the pandemic. By October 9, 1918, Milford, a town roughly five times the size of Hopedale, had seen 57 confirmed influenza deaths, plus another eight deaths to pneumonia which was often the end result of “the grip,” and three stillborn babies. Five of these deaths were men who worked at Drapers, along with three employees of the Hopedale Manufacturing Company. All but one of these Hopedale workers lived in Prospect Heights in Milford.
Hopedale and Milford have a shared history. Hopedale was once part of Milford – founded by Adin Ballou and his Practical Christian followers in 1842, Hopedale was technically a section of Milford until establishing its own town status in 1886. Prospect Heights existed in that blur of town lines. Just over the hill from the Freedom and Northrop Street intersection in Hopedale and on the other side of Route 140, this area was built by the Draper Company to house immigrant workers. And house them it did. The list of the dead in those first horrible weeks of the pandemic reads like a ship’s manifest, with many Portuguese on the roster – names like Antonio Diaz, Albino Consalves Rua, and Giavanno Mario Sebastiano. Many of these men were so new to the United States that little can be found to tell their story – except for the fact that they died of Spanish flu.
Domingos Cardosa was an exception. Born in 1883, Domingos came to the U.S. from the Azores with his mother, Maria, at the age of 7. She had her hands full – Maria brought five children aboard the ship, the youngest 10 months old, and she was travelling without a husband to help.
Domingos left a gift to us and to his new country – on September 12 of 1918 he filled out a draft registration card. It’s hard to remember that during the horror of this flu, the Great War was raging in France, and Domingos was ready to do his duty. On this card, we can see that Domingos was living at 4 Prospect Heights with his “nearest relative” Anna De Almcida – his younger sister, now a married women. He described himself as tall and slender with brown eyes and dark hair. He worked as a laborer for Drapers and was 34 years old.
In less than two weeks, Domingos would be dead, yet another flu victim among the dozens falling in Milford. The day before, Antonio Diaz from 15 Prospect Heights had died, the first in the neighborhood to fall. Less than a week later, Albino Consalves Rua would also die. He, too, filled out a draft registration form, telling us he was not married but had served in the Portuguese military for three months as a private. Short and slender with brown eyes and black hair, Albino was only 26 when he died.
Nine neighbors from Prospect Heights died from the complications of influenza in those few short weeks before the sun set on October 9, including other Hopedale workers. But this flu did not discriminate among these immigrants – wives Clementina Rosa Mendes, 23, and Guilosia Chaves, 24, lived next door to each other and died the same day.
All over town, the death toll would rise…
October 5, 2018
All of the victims of the influenza pandemic of 1918 were innocent – this was the flu, not the war, and this pandemic killed people simply living their everyday lives. But this week in Hopedale history, a truly innocent victim was taken by this flu.
On October 5, 1918, a baby was stillborn. Hazel Barbour Davenport, the mother of the unnamed boy, was suffering from influenza and died of Broncho pneumonia on October 13, just eight days after her son. The local newspaper at the time appears to have gotten the facts of this tragedy wrong. The Milford Gazette noted Hazel’s death – she was 27, the wife of George Albert Davenport, and “had been married about three years and leaves besides her husband and mother, two small daughters, one only a few days old.”
But the death records are clear – Hazel lost her son before she lost her life. Her daughter Dorothy was 4 and little Pearl was about 18 months old, having been born on May 3, 1917. It’s hard to blame the newspaper – Milford was also in the grip of the flu pandemic and losing people at an alarming rate. By October 5, when Hazel’s son was stillborn, four children had already been stillborn in Milford, at least one of those confirmed as a result of the flu. Grace Ruggiero died the day after her son was stillborn, and this was not uncommon – during the flu pandemic, women miscarried “with shocking frequency.” In this short span of time, Milford had lost 27 children, most to the flu including several babies under the age of two. The newspaper can be forgiven for not getting the Hopedale facts quite straight.
Hazel was not the first woman to die in town because of this pandemic. Gertrude May Stevens Cook, a housewife, died the day after Hazel’s baby. The interesting thing about the deaths is that the women both lived on Inman Street – in fact their families lived on either side of the same Draper duplex. It was not uncommon for people living in close proximity to die from the flu. The theory of the existence of viruses was new at the time – the electron microscope had yet to be invented and the virus was still invisible to the human eye – but the virus did spread within pockets of the community. Abner Archibald McNeill, a butcher living on Park Street, was one of the first to die of the flu in town on September 30. Jennie Petter, a Swiss governess living a few doors down at 5 Park Street, died barely 10 days later. Because Jennie died in the “Emergency Hospital” in Milford, she is also listed in those death records.
But proximity can be deceiving, especially in a town as small as Hopedale. Another young mother, Assunta Santilli, lost her infant just as Hazel had. Assunta’s son was stillborn on October 11, while Assunta herself lived for 10 more days before dying of influenza. The family was from Italy and lived on Home Park Avenue, off Mendon Street. Then another baby died, barely half a mile away. Frederich Kempton was only 5 months old when Broncho pneumonia from the “Grip” took him on October 24. He had been living with his family, Mr. and Mrs. Fred Kempton, at 16 Bancroft Park, an easy walk from the Santilli home through Hopedale Village Cemetery. And the flu pandemic wasn’t over yet.
September 27, 2018
On September 27, 1918, the local Suffrage club decided to hold a sale of “fruit, vegetables and war-time cooking” at the home of Mrs. Arthur Foster. Their timing couldn’t have been worse. The Milford Daily News noted that Bancroft Memorial Library was closed that week “on account of the grip epidemic.” In fact, the arrival of Spanish flu in Hopedale was causing several disruptions. The “no school signal” had sounded out of fear of the flu spreading to the children, and the Red Cross headquarters were closed “on account of the epidemic of grip.” Already, 400 employees were ill at the Draper plant. The first death in town, a Draper worker named Walter James Morton, died that very day. The Hopedale Sewing Circle did not meet in October of 1918 because of the pandemic.
The Sewing Circle record was mum on the group’s suffrage views in these last years before the passage of the 19th Amendment. But in December, 1914, they had been thanked by the “Public Interest League” for their Red Cross work aiding war refugees in Europe. This may have been the Massachusetts Public Interests League of Anti-Suffragists, who published a flyer in September, 1918, questioning whether supporting woman suffrage should be considered “Pro-German.” “To weaken the countries of her enemies through Socialism and Woman Suffrage is Germany’s cleverest device,” the pamphlet reads, adding that Germany “had great hopes that it will work in England, and she is doing her best to give it a trial in America.”
The Hopedale women never mention this league again, but like most Unitarian women they may have been torn when it came to women having the right to vote. The line, it appears, seems to have been drawn by age and social status. “WHY are the opponents of Woman Suffrage almost entirely the women of wealth, privilege and leisure, women who all their lives have been protected by the care of some man, father, brother, husband, from harsh contact with the world as it exists, whilst the great majority of self-supporting women ask for enfranchisement?” A young writer who only gave her initials as K.W. asked that question in a 1912 publication by the Unitarian Advance Association. She was reacting to a push-back against a pro-suffrage stance taken by the American Unitarian Association that year. “What are Unitarians good for if they have not gained an instinct for the alleviation of human wrong,” she asked.
The Hopedale women attended local meetings of the American Unitarian Association and the “Alliance Conference of Unitarian and other Liberal Women” several times. “Our thorough liberalism by character appeals to a large number,” Ida Remington noted in the record in September, 1916. But whether they were ambivalent about their own citizenship rights or attended Mrs. Foster’s suffrage food sale is a question yet to be answered. These Sewing Circle members were probably of many minds on the subject.